能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可

《石油和天然气投资者》召集了七名石油和天然气公司高管、政策倡导者和其他专家,讨论十一月大选的真正利害关系以及无论谁获胜能源行业面临的诸多挑战。

无论谁在 11 月入主白宫,对长期油价的影响都将有限。(来源:Shutterstock

美国的能源生产、输送和消费推动着美国乃至全球经济的运转。在本次选举周期中,不仅前总统唐纳德·特朗普和副总统卡马拉·哈里斯之间的总统竞选结果尚不明朗,而且下级选举结果也悬而未决,这些选举结果对监管的影响将在未来几年影响石油和天然气行业。

在本次圆桌会议上,《石油和天然气投资者》邀请行业主要参与者分享他们对读者在行使最基本权利之一时需要注意的问题的看法。

其中涉及各种问题,包括联邦甲烷排放规则制定、所谓的液化天然气许可暂停以及最近最高法院推翻雪佛龙尊重原则的裁决——这可能会限制联邦监管机构的权力。

Deon Daugherty, 《石油和天然气投资者》主编:美国主要产油区的石油和天然气业务未来面临的主要政策问题和潜在监管是什么?

俄亥俄州石油和天然气协会主席 Rob Brundrett 表示在俄亥俄州,我们专注于与会员就新的甲烷规则和甲烷税进行沟通,特别是这些规则和税的实施和执行将如何影响我们所有的生产商。此外,国会正在审议的许可改革法案对我们的会员具有重要意义。

交易咨询服务公司 Weaver and Tidwell 合伙人 Michael Collier:天然气的未来应该成为每个决策者关注的焦点。我认为,暂停发放液化天然气出口许可是出于政治考虑,而非政策考虑,这一决定应该被扭转。美国应该成为液化天然气的主要出口国,因为液化天然气是燃煤发电的清洁替代品,而且蓬勃发展的天然气行业对我们的国家安全至关重要。

在美国国内,数据中心需求激增,德克萨斯州电网的担忧也应成为首要问题。政策制定者需要尽快想出如何吸引可调度发电的投资,而天然气将在其中发挥突出甚至主导的作用。

Triple Crown Resources总裁兼联合创始人 Ryan Keys 我只能谈论德克萨斯州和联邦层面的法规,因为各州的法规差别很大。在德克萨斯州,观察人们对孤井、水和诱发地震的态度如何变化将会很有趣。

在联邦层面,最大的问题之一是EPA 0000b/c、EPA Subpart W和运输部管道和危险材料安全管理局 (PHMSA) 的新排放规则的实施。其中一些规则在现实世界中将如何发挥作用仍存在很大的不确定性。从明年开始,废物排放费 (WEC) 将通过 EPA Subpart W 对超过一定阈值的甲烷排放量进行评估,因此这迫在眉睫。最高法院结束对雪佛龙的尊重,为不断变化的排放监管格局带来了更多不确定性。   

德克萨斯州独立生产商和特许权所有者协会主席 Ed Longanecker 7 月,美国参议员 Joe Manchin(IW.Va.)和 John Barrasso(R-Wyo.)发布了一项期待已久的法案,旨在通过简化联邦政府的能源基础设施许可流程来加快国内能源项目的发展。过度监管一直被认为是阻碍全国能源项目发展的障碍。未来几年,电力需求将迅速增加,尤其是在德克萨斯州,2024 年《能源许可改革法案》(EPRA)中的条款将有助于简化天然气生产商的流程,以满足这一需求并在未来几年提供可靠、负担得起的能源。

在美国,获得建设能源基础设施并将其接入电网的许可比近来任何时候都更加困难。2018 年至 2022 年期间建造的项目平均需要等待四年才能接入电网,而 2000 年至 2007 年期间建造的项目平均需要等待不到两年。任务不明确且重叠、联邦机构之间协调不力以及不必要的漫长时间表只是能源项目在发展过程中面临的众多障碍中的一部分。

德克萨斯州和全国各地的天然气生产商继续以创纪录的产量证明他们致力于提供可靠且价格合理的能源。但产量高意味着责任重大;特别是提供足够的运输以保持能源流动的责任。随着二叠纪盆地的管道达到容量上限,未来的生产受到威胁。建造额外管道的审批程序可能很复杂,但 EPRA 的引入是朝着简化该流程并确保我们能够继续满足本州不断增长的能源需求迈出的有希望的一步。 

GPA Midstream总裁兼首席执行官莎拉·米勒 (Sarah Miller) 该行业的首要任务是建立监管确定性和合理性,以实现必要的长期规划和资本配置,建设可靠、可持续且经济实惠的基础设施,为我们的经济活力提供动力。 

我们将继续关注如何制定实施甲烷排放税的法规以实现国会的意图。例如,国会起草了《通货膨胀削减法案》[IRA],以提供认可良好行为的豁免,并且这些豁免成为 EPA [WEC] 规则的一部分至关重要。我们将继续争取遵守法律并促进具有成本效益的减排法规。 

我们还将继续倡导属于机构权限范围、与经验数据一致并与其他法规相一致的甲烷法规、温室气体报告规则以及泄漏检测和报告要求。 

能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可
位于华盛顿特区的美国环境保护署总部 EPA 的废物排放收费规则及其实施方式尤其受到行业领导者的关注。(来源:Shutterstock)  

Dan Pickering,Pickering Energy Partners首席投资官:甲烷和 ESG 报告迫在眉睫。一般许可——NG 出口设施、管道、钻井、海上油井、CCUS 站点等等。对恰好是大型石油供应国的不良行为者实施制裁(俄罗斯和伊朗就是两个例子)。电网的复兴和增强。碳税——我们是否会征收?    

 Elevation Resources总裁兼首席执行官 Steve Pruett ;美国独立石油协会董事会主席甲烷减排计划;废物排放费(甲烷税);美国地区法官 Deborah Boardman 最近决定撤销 2020 年墨西哥湾生物学意见,该裁决可能导致“2024 年 12 月 20 日关闭大量海上石油和天然气作业和活动”。IPAA 表示,“除非在此之前制定出防止生物学意见出现差距的法律、监管或立法解决方案,否则很可能会关闭。”

DD:您正在关注哪些后续选举?这些选举的结果将如何影响该行业?

RB:俄亥俄州美国参议院选举是全国最受关注的竞选之一,现任民主党人谢罗德·布朗与共和党商人伯尼·莫雷诺展开角逐。这是全国范围内为数不多的几场决定哪个党控制美国参议院的竞选之一。参议院的控制权将在很大程度上决定美国能源政策的未来。  

在俄亥俄州,我们关注的最大问题是州问题 1,即改变州议会选区划分方式的宪法修正案。此外,俄亥俄州三场最高法院竞选的结果无疑将影响我们行业以及其他行业的动态。

MC:无论德克萨斯州的下级选举获胜者是谁,我认为,我们的德克萨斯州众议员和参议员都会尽最大努力保护石油和天然气行业免受我们最近看到的攻击。话虽如此,我的观察是,我们国家的能源素养正在提高;例如,民主党总统候选人面临的批评石油和天然气行业的压力比她的前任要小。

再说一遍,这不是德克萨斯州政客的问题,但我发现非石油产区民主党人对我们的反对声音远不如过去那么强烈。该行业在碳捕获、地热和氢等领域的工作解释得很好,我认为这对公众舆论产生了影响。

RK:德州铁路委员会委员的直接普选总是让人好奇。由于德州普通民众根本不知道德州铁路委员会是做什么的,而且其过时的名称也让人感到困惑,因此候选人往往凭借与石油和天然气行业无关的政策立场赢得初选和选举。

我认为,如果他们由州长任命,并同样以六年交错任期任职,情况会更好。这对德克萨斯州的经济来说是一个如此重要的职位,我认为让 RRC 专注于平衡所有利益相关者利益的监管,而不是分心于试图吸引那些不知道 RRC 是什么的人,这将使业内每个人都受益。

另外,全国各地的一些国会竞选是我很感兴趣的——两党都大力支持美国在全球液化天然气市场上占据主导地位,我希望这种支持能够不断增强。

EL:毫无疑问,本轮选举将会出现一些激烈的竞争。我们看到里奥格兰德河谷沿岸、我们的主要产油区以及全州一些主要大都市地区都出现了一些激烈的竞争。不过,总体而言,德克萨斯州的民选官员了解石油和天然气的重要性。他们认识到德克萨斯州石油和天然气对他们所在地区的就业、州的应急基金或经济稳定基金、州基础设施、公立学校、大学、急救人员和其他基本服务的贡献。

德克萨斯州民选官员,无论属于哪个党派,普遍都明白,德克萨斯州的石油和天然气生产商生活、工作和养家糊口就在他们开发矿产资源的社区里,并且他们对积极的管理有着真正的承诺。 

SP:参议院和众议院的权力平衡对于我们的行业至关重要。参议院有许多关键竞选,包括泰德·克鲁兹(德克萨斯州共和党人)以及密歇根州、蒙大拿州、马里兰州、内华达州、俄亥俄州、宾夕法尼亚州和威斯康星州的竞选。

众议院在多数席位上难分胜负,这一点至关重要,因为关系到我们行业的委员会主席的利益。

如果哈里斯和沃尔兹获胜,共和党必须至少控制众议院,以防止对能源行业、资本主义和消费者造成永久性损害。

DD:11 月大选的结果将如何改善国内石油和天然气生产的经济效益?

RB:无论谁在 11 月获胜,我们的信息都是一样的,那就是能源不应成为党派问题。我们将继续倡导符合常识的规则,以便我们的成员能够做他们最擅长的事情,即负责任地、高效地生产天然气和石油,满足美国家庭的需求。

这个问题的答案会因经营地点和资产类型而有很大差异。我们在德克萨斯州经营,没有任何联邦租约,我们的碳氢化合物通过不跨州界的管道输送到德克萨斯州市场,因此联邦层面的政治动荡不会对我们造成太大影响,至少在监管方面不会。话虽如此,我认为业内每个人都需要关注这些宏观经济和地缘政治主题的政策立场:

1. 对伊朗的制裁。对伊朗采取更强硬的立场可能会导致出口下降,这对油价有利。 

2. 中东和乌克兰的冲突。据我们所知,当前价格中的地缘政治风险溢价非常小,自 2022 年以来就没有出现过。我们看到这里和那里出现了小幅上涨(导弹袭击、胡塞武装等),但它们不会持续很长时间。如果情况真的升温,我们将看到风险溢价回归。短期内,这将使生产者受益,但长期来看,这会导致需求破坏,因此,拥有一个稳定、和平、市场波动较小的世界对每个人都有好处。 

3. OPEC。尽管各方对于如何实现这一目标持有不同的理念,但低能源价格的民粹主义言论来自政治光谱的各个角落。美国是世界上最大的石油生产国,但未来几年将再增加 100 万桶/天的预测并不现实。整合和较低的价格已将钻井数量推高至 2021 年以来从未见过的水平,而且我们的钻探速度快于替换速度。因此,全球石油市场的力量平衡正在向拥有大量闲置产能的 OPEC 转移。换句话说,就全球供需平衡而言,我认为特朗普或哈里斯政府在长期内对油价影响不大。如果 OPEC 希望油价达到每桶 50 美元(并且他们可以承受财政后果),油价就会降至每桶 50 美元。如果他们希望油价达到每桶 100 美元,油价就会降到每桶 100 美元。国内石油和天然气行业在过去 50 年的大部分时间里都生活在这种现实中,所以我们应该习惯它。

4. 战略石油储备。与 OPEC 相比,这只是沧海一粟,但战略石油储备比 2021 年少了 3 亿桶。它的补充速度非常缓慢。我不确定特朗普和哈里斯谁更有可能支持将其恢复到原来的水平,但先例已经确立,它可以用于暂时抑制油价飙升,但前提是必须有储备。 

能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可
美国战略石油储备比 2021 年低 3 亿桶,这个问题可能需要下一任总统来解决。(来源:美国能源部

5. 欧盟边境碳税,以及更广泛意义上的液化天然气出口增长。绕过或减轻欧盟边境碳税对美国石油和天然气供应链中的每个人都是一笔潜在的意外之财。这需要我们整个供应链和联邦政府的合作。两党都支持这一点,但共和党占多数。

MC:无论谁赢得总统大选,液化天然气许可证暂停政策都可能被取消,因为暂停政策的政治必要性已经过去。除此之外,我认为两党在石油和天然气政策上的分歧并不像有些人想象的那么大,也许除了联邦土地和墨西哥湾开发问题。在这些问题上,政治权宜之计而不是深思熟虑的政策也在发挥作用,我希望选举后,无论谁获胜,我们都能恢复理性的政策。

EL:联邦政策,尤其是那些能够扩大液化天然气出口能力、提高基础设施环境审查效率以及继续租赁联邦土地和水域的政策,对于保障美国能源和国家安全至关重要。目前,德克萨斯州四个价值数十亿美元的液化天然气项目因目前的许可暂停而面临风险。政府解除目前实施的液化天然气暂停令并认识到美国能源安全的重要性至关重要。

石油和天然气行业,尤其​​是德克萨斯州,是全国最主要的石油和天然气生产基地,为我们社区的经济增长做出了重要贡献。它对于美国乃至全球的能源供应也至关重要。无论 11 月的结果如何,我们都需要民选官员了解利害关系并与行业合作,确保制定切实可行的法规并减少投资的不确定性。产量下降将导致全球能源市场不稳定、供应短缺和能源价格上涨,不仅对美国人如此,而且对我们的战略盟友也是如此,他们与我们一样依赖强大的美国生产。

州和联邦层面的监管确定性仍然是重中之重,选举可能会产生重大影响。幸运的是,德克萨斯州拥有亲商环境和常识性能源政策,但联邦政府一直在加大国内能源生产的难度和成本。

尽管现实如此,我们仍看到一些候选人将创纪录的产量归功于自己,而他们的政策决定却反映出相反的结果。国内产量增加是全球需求增长、新冠疫情复苏、欧佩克减产以及美国运营商在极端市场波动时期提高效率的结果,而不是近年来被视为反石油和天然气的政策行动。这不是我们在选举周期中第一次看到这种情况,也不会是最后一次,但尽管联邦现行政策如此,我们仍在生产更多的石油和天然气,而不是政策的结果。我们希望各位候选人对能源政策的关注,包括“制革”水力压裂,将有助于让更多美国人了解我们的行业在他们生活的各个方面有多么重要。

根据选举结果,我们行业面临的一些影响较大的联邦法规可能会得到加强或撤销,这些法规属于甲烷排放类别,包括:[WEC],即《通货膨胀削减法案》中的自然费用或税;对 W 分部报告的修订,将用于确定受 [WEC] 约束的甲烷量;以及新源性能标准 OOOO B&C。后者影响最大,通过为新建和现有场地制定排放标准来直接规范石油和天然气行业。

SM:我们国家有机会提高国内能源生产并支持需要能源安全的盟友。美国生产世界上最清洁的天然气,我们的国际合作伙伴,尤其是欧洲的合作伙伴,需要一个可靠的能源合作伙伴。我们希望两位总统候选人都能执行能源政策,实现美国和我们的国际合作伙伴的稳定和经济繁荣。 

DP:显而易见,这显然取决于哪位候选人获胜。哈里斯可能会对石油和天然气业务施加更严格的限制,可能会出台更严格的法规、税收、准入等,同时支持和鼓励清洁能源(从而缩短传统能源行业的最终跑道)。然而,这些行动可能会导致石油和天然气供应减少/紧缩,并可能提高价格,从而提高盈利能力。

特朗普更有可能成为传统能源行业的朋友,减少法规、税收、准入等限制。他还可能重击清洁能源行业(取消激励措施),从而延长石油和天然气的运行时间。虽然商业环境会更加有利,但特朗普“钻探,宝贝,钻探”的心态可能会导致供应增加和商品价格下跌。 

SP:哈里斯-沃尔兹的胜利和民主党在国会占多数席位将提高能源行业的经营成本,损害我们产品的市场,增加项目(许可)的周期,并严重减少在联邦土地上开发和生产的机会,而拜登-哈里斯已经实施了这一政策。特朗普-万斯政府在国会占一院或多院,将通过更换影响能源行业的监管机构的进步派负责人,以及对伊朗和俄罗斯石油出口实施更严厉的制裁,来扭转拜登-哈里斯的惩罚性监管政策。在最高法院推翻“赫夫隆尊重”案后,联邦机构需要受到约束,并遵守立法和司法指令。

能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可
一艘油轮停泊在德卡斯特里出口码头,该码头是俄罗斯向亚洲市场出口原油的枢纽。下一任总统如何处理对俄罗斯和委内瑞拉等国家的制裁将对美国能源行业产生影响。(来源:Shutterstock

DD:选举结果可能带来哪些机遇和挑战?

RB:天然气和石油行业从业者都是真正的企业家,他们的重点将继续是将挑战转化为机遇,并始终会找到经营和创新的方法。政治有时会拖慢进程,但无论谁在 11 月获胜,我们都有责任寻找、开采和加工将继续为全球经济提供动力的天然气和石油。

MC:毫无疑问,民主党在支持石油和天然气方面的声音会比共和党小;但我相信民主党内部的反对石油和天然气的情绪并不像以前那么强烈。我也不认为民主党的胜利会对我们的行业构成威胁。我经常提醒我的朋友,即使在民主党总统的领导下,石油和天然气产量也处于历史最高水平。

RK:当事情进展顺利时,总统会得到太多赞誉,而当事情进展不顺利时,总统会受到太多指责。对于大多数人来说,宏观经济趋势和州/地方法规的影响更大。话虽如此,在哈里斯入主白宫后,规模较小的运营商以及拥有联邦租约和/或管道出口不足的运营商可能会面临更多挑战。 

EL:无论 11 月的结果如何,只有一件事是确定的——变化即将来临,随之而来的是我们的行业面临的众多挑战和机遇。与任何确定新总统的选举一样,随着新政府的稳定和确定其监管重点,我们将经历一段不确定的时期。

目前尚不清楚现行政策是否会延续或扩大,还是会逆转。我们知道的是,新政府意味着有机会坐下来讨论现行政策、需要什么以及行业面临的挑战,希望能够共同找到一些解决方案(如果他们愿意的话)。

SM:近几十年来,选举周期一再导致监管挑战时断时续,使满足能源需求所需的基础设施的开发变得复杂和中断,而能源需求因人工智能数据中心、新技术、人口增长、生活水平提高和工业化而不断增长。这种时断时续的循环必须结束。无论选举结果如何,我们都期待与新政府合作,制定一个切合实际的监管框架,以支持可靠、负担得起和更清洁能源的目标。

DP:新总统将采取哪些地缘政治行动尚不得而知。他们会推动俄罗斯/乌克兰冲突和以色列/加沙动乱的结束吗?他们会制裁伊朗和委内瑞拉等国家吗?他们会成为 OPEC+ 和沙特阿拉伯的朋友还是敌人? 

SP:石油和天然气行业只需要一个务实、稳定的监管环境,才能继续为我们的公民和全球盟友生产和加工清洁、负担得起的天然气和石油产品。就挑战而言,哈里斯-沃尔兹政府将永久威胁美国小型运营商的生存,影响近 100 万桶油当量的产量以及无数的就业和地方税收。

对独立公司和特许权所有者的另一个威胁是民主党计划取消无形钻井成本扣除和百分比折旧,同时提高企业和个人税率。这些变化导致可用于再投资上游行业的资金减少,但可用于所有形式的制造业,从而破坏就业和我们的经济。

DD:选举将如何影响行业的创新和技术进步?

RB:在接下来的几年里,随着我们继续探索氢能领域的机遇,我们预计会看到更多技术进步,这些技术很可能适用于该行业的其他领域。我们希望行业创新将继续超越政治障碍。  

MC: IRA 补贴被取消的可能性始终存在,这取决于谁获胜。但我认为这种可能性很小。只要 IRA 资金不妨碍对石油和天然气的投资,对补贴的反对最多只能是沉默。赤字鹰派将成为继续对 IRA 补贴的最大反对者,但政客们多年前就不再听从赤字鹰派的意见了(真遗憾)。

控制甲烷泄漏可能是选举可能产生影响的一个领域。大型企业已经在着手解决这个问题,但一些规模较小的运营商还没有。如果民主党完全掌权,我们可能会看到更严格的规定;但从宏观角度来看,我认为更严格的规定不会对整个行业产生深远影响,只会对规模较小的企业产生深远影响。

能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可
此次选举可能会对清洁能源技术开发和推广的步伐产生重大影响,例如氢技术和替代能源。(来源:Shutterstock

RK:无论谁入主白宫,降低供应成本的好主意都会成功。 

EL:创新和技术进步是美国石油和天然气行业的核心。我们不断研究和学习,以找到提高效率、减少环境足迹并继续为世界提供能源的方法。这不会随着政府的更迭而改变。

根据结果​​,我们可能会看到激励措施增加、能源部提供研发资金以及相关政策来支持一种能源而不是另一种能源,但不可否认的是,石油和天然气将继续在满足日益增长的能源需求方面发挥主导作用。政策和任何联邦导向的资金都应该反映这一现实。

需要明确的是,德克萨斯州石油和天然气行业并不要求联邦政府提供更多激励措施。我们要求的是公平的竞争环境,不会分出胜负,损害美国消费者的利益。

SM:页岩革命带来了全球能源经济学家和专家以前无法想象的能源现实。这场革命反映了石油和天然气行业的独创性、专业知识和智慧,该行业在解决问题方面有着良好的记录。任何新政府都将通过倾听石油和天然气行业领导者的意见并与他们合作,作为解决问题的专家,培育下一代创新,帮助我们的国家应对挑战,从而最大限度地造福于我们的国家。建立在脱离实际现实的假设之上的自上而下的任务将无法实现我们共同的可靠、负担得起和可持续能源的目标。

DP:感觉选举对能源行业石油和天然气部分的创新和技术进步影响相对较小。行业盈利能力稳健,这使得公司能够投资研发和技术,从而降低成本并提高生产率。盈利能力,而不是总统,将推动这些进步向前发展。

谈到清洁能源,选举可能会对技术开发和推广的速度产生重大影响。如果与 IRA 相关的贷款、补助金、税收抵免和补贴被停止或撤销,依赖技术的清洁能源将受到打击。

DD:对于一月份宣誓就职的官员来说,首要任务是什么?

RB:下一届政府的首要任务应该是释放美国天然气和石油的潜力。当我们的成员投资于发展我们行业所需的人才和基础设施时,我们亲眼目睹了社区直接带来的增长和积极变化。

MC:我认为,出于经济和国家安全原因,美国需要最大限度地提高石油和天然气产量。我们还需要在碳捕获、地热、氢气和向世界供应液化天然气方面发挥带头作用。这些当务之急相辅相成,公众看到这一点是件好事。对石油和天然气行业的非理性批评必须停止,这将大有裨益。

RK:所有来源的廉价、丰富的能源,以及“以上所有”的方法,都依赖于市场解决方案,避免不正当的激励。石油、天然气、核能、风能、太阳能、电池、煤炭、生物燃料。所有这些。如果一家公司以平衡社会需求的方式生产可负担得起的能源并盈利,那么它就应该在谈判桌上占有一席之地。EL 

孤星州的生产商希望州和联邦官员制定常识性立法,例如《能源许可改革法案》,以支持负责任的生产和满足能源需求。在过去 12 年里,美国的天然气需求增长了 45%,但管道容量在同一时期仅增长了 28%。该行业致力于帮助满足这一需求,我们敦促立法者尽自己的一份力量,确保该行业拥有关键的基础设施,以便在需要的时间和地点输送能源。

SM:从中游的角度来看,当务之急应该是制定能源政策,以反映促进能源多样化以满足日益增长的能源需求的需要。我们认为维持我们今天在这个国家享受的生活方式所需的能源数量不断增长是理所当然的。政府政策在制定目标和指标时,应该反映能源行业所有部门面临的挑战。政策应该反映对影响可靠、负担得起和可持续能源交付的实际情况的理解。

DP:能源领域的首要任务应该是确保美国石油和天然气行业保持其作为世界最大能源生产国的地位。国内能源稳定和“独立”为美国提供了极大的战略灵活性。美国不再受制于外国石油生产商的石油或汽油供应。这一点必须保持下去。另一个优先事项是平衡新能源技术和可再生能源的成本/收益。平衡财政责任和脱碳速度将推动美国向前发展,而不会出现低效支出或不必要的生活水平下降。

SP:确保边境安全,改革导致国家破产的福利和其他联邦计划,取消对不能改善公民生活质量的能源和碳项目的补贴,并停止专注于为公民提供各种形式能源的企业。

DD:您如何看待卡玛拉·哈里斯和唐纳德·特朗普的能源政策?谁的领导将有利于石油和天然气行业,包括其满足日益增长的本地、国家和全球能源需求的能力?

RB:在本届选举周期的剩余几周内,能源(尤其是石油和天然气)仍将是辩论的焦点,两位候选人及其竞选团队都将完善他们的信息。我们希望双方都能看到能源行业为国家和经济带来的价值。美国能源对不断增长的全球经济以及减少碳排放的使命至关重要。需求预计将激增,我们可以满足当前和未来日益增长的需求。 

MC:我相信特朗普政府会比哈里斯政府更加专注于石油和天然气。但哈里斯政府的更广泛关注点,即采用“以上所有”的方法,包括采用新能源和创新技术来管理碳排放,这不一定会对石油和天然气利益造成损害。哈里斯政府不太可能像现任总统在任期开始时那样感受到诋毁石油和天然气行业的压力。如果石油行业继续在碳捕获、地热、氢气和减少甲烷排放等领域处于领先地位,哈里斯如果赢得总统大选,我们可能会在她身上找到盟友。在我看来,这应该是该行业的目标。

EL:哈里斯和特朗普都承认国内能源生产的重要性,并承诺不会禁止水力压裂。特朗普在支持现实监管和提供增加石油和天然气产量的机会方面有着良好的记录。拜登-哈里斯政府发布了一系列被视为反石油和天然气的政策,例如暂停液化天然气许可证和联邦土地租赁,这给美国投资带来了不确定性。并不是说民选官员不能改变路线,但我们通常知道在这两种情况下会发生什么,并将与任何一届政府合作,制定一个反映我们从能源安全、经济和环境角度需求的能源平台。

SM:国内外能源需求将根据执政者而变化。无论 11 月的结果如何,我们的任务是争取两党支持,以切实解决我们的能源需求。这意味着与立法者和监管机构合作,以便我们能够建设必要的基础设施,使美国继续成为生产清洁、可靠和负担得起的能源的世界领先者。

能源选举的赌注:法规、官僚主义、许可
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Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting

Oil and Gas Investor assembled a group of seven oil and gas executives, policy advocates and other experts to talk about what’s really at stake in the November election and the many challenges facing the energy sector, regardless of who wins.

Whoever wins the White House in November will have limited impact on long-term oil prices. (Source: Shutterstock)

U.S. energy production, transmission and consumption keeps the nation, as well as the global economy, moving. In this election cycle, not only is the outcome of the presidential race between former President Donald Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris unclear, but down-ballot races are up for grabs and the regulatory impact of those election results will affect the oil and gas industry for years to come.

In this roundtable, Oil and Gas Investor asked key industry players to share their perspective on issues to keep in mind as readers exercise one of their most fundamental rights.

There are varying issues at play, including federal methane emissions rulemaking, the so-called pause on LNG permitting and the recent Supreme Court ruling striking down the Chevron deference doctrine—potentially limiting the powers of federal regulating agencies.

Deon Daugherty, editor-in-chief, Oil and Gas Investor: What are the top policy issues and potential regulations ahead for oil and gas operations in top U.S. producing regions?

Rob Brundrett, president, Ohio Oil and Gas Association: In Ohio, we are focused on engaging with our membership regarding the new methane rule and methane tax, particularly how their implementation and enforcement will impact all of our producers. Additionally, the permitting reform bill making its way through Congress is of great significance to our membership.

Michael Collier, partner in transaction advisory services, Weaver and Tidwell: The future of natural gas should be on every policymaker’s mind. The pause in LNG export licensing, which in my opinion was driven by political rather than policy considerations, should be reversed. The U.S. should be the leading exporter of LNG because it’s a clean substitute for coal-fired power generation and because a vibrant natural gas industry is vital to our national security.

Here at home, concerns about the Texas grid in light of exploding demand from data centers should also be top of mind. Policymakers need to figure out quickly how to attract investment in dispatchable power generation, and natural gas will play a prominent, if not dominant, role in this.

Ryan Keys, president and co-founder, Triple Crown Resources: I can only speak to regulations in Texas and at the federal level, as state regulations vary wildly from state to state. In Texas, it will be interesting to see how sentiment evolves regarding orphan wells, water and induced seismicity.

At the federal level, among the biggest issues is the implementation of new emissions rules from EPA 0000b/c, EPA Subpart W, and the Department of Transportation’s Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA). There’s still a lot of uncertainty how some of these rules will play out in the real world. The Waste Emissions Charge (WEC) will be assessed through EPA Subpart W starting next year on methane emissions that exceed certain thresholds, so this is imminent. The Supreme Court’s ending of the Chevron deference introduces more uncertainty in this evolving emissions regulation landscape.   

Ed Longanecker, president, Texas Independent Producers & Royalty Owners Association: In July, U.S. Sens. Joe Manchin (I-W.Va.) and John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) released a long-awaited bill that aims to expedite the development of domestic energy projects by streamlining the federal government’s energy infrastructure permitting process. Overregulation is consistently cited as an obstacle that has stalled energy projects across the country. Electricity demand will increase rapidly in the coming years, particularly in Texas, and provisions in the Energy Permitting Reform Act of 2024 (EPRA) will help streamline processes for natural gas producers to meet that demand and provide reliable, affordable energy for years to come.

In the U.S., gaining permits to build energy infrastructure and connecting it to the electric grid is harder today than at any point in recent memory. Projects built between 2018 and 2022 face an average wait time of four years before they can connect to the grid, up from less than two years for projects built between 2000 and 2007. Unclear and overlapping mandates, poor coordination among federal agencies, and unnecessarily long timelines are just some of the many hurdles energy projects face in development.

Natural gas producers in Texas and across the country continue to prove their commitment to providing reliable and affordable energy with record-setting production. But with great production comes great responsibility; particularly, the responsibility to provide adequate transportation to keep the energy flowing. As pipelines in the Permian Basin reach capacity, future production is threatened. The approval process for building additional pipelines can be convoluted, but the introduction of the EPRA is a promising step toward simplifying that process and ensuring that we can continue to meet our state’s growing energy demand. 

Sarah Miller, president and CEO, GPA Midstream: The industry’s top priority is establishing regulatory certainty and sensibility to enable the long-term planning and capital allocations necessary to build the infrastructure that reliably, sustainably and affordably powers our economic vitality. 

We will continue to bring a spotlight on how the regulations implementing the tax on methane emissions should be drafted to achieve congressional intent. For example, Congress wrote the Inflation Reduction Act [IRA] to provide exemptions that recognize good action, and it’s critical that such exemptions are part of EPA’s [WEC] rules. We will continue fighting for regulations that follow the law and promote cost-effective emission reduction. 

We will also continue to advocate for methane regulations, greenhouse-gas reporting rules and leak detection and reporting requirements that are within the scope of agency authority, consistent with empirical data and aligned with other regulations. 

Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting
The Environmental Protection Agency headquarters in Washington, D.C. The EPA’s Waste Emissions Charge rule and how it will be implemented is of particular concern to industry leaders. (Source: Shutterstock)  

Dan Pickering, chief investment officer, Pickering Energy Partners: Methane and ESG reporting looms large. Permitting generally—LNG export facilities, pipelines, drilling, offshore wells, CCUS sites, the list goes on. Sanctions on bad actors that happen to be big oil suppliers (Russia and Iran are two examples). Rejuvenation and enhancement of the power grid. Carbon taxes—will we ever have one?    

Steve Pruett, president and CEO, Elevation Resources; board chairman, Independent Petroleum Association of America: Methane Emissions Reduction Program; the Waste Emissions Charge (methane tax); U.S. District Judge Deborah Boardman’s recent decision to vacate the 2020 Gulf of Mexico Biological Opinion, a ruling that could lead to a shutdown of a “wide and substantial swath of offshore oil and gas operations and activities on Dec. 20, 2024.” The IPAA stated “the shutdown is likely unless a legal, regulatory or legislative solution that prevents a gap between biological opinions is in place before then.”

DD: Which down-ballot races are you watching, and how might those results impact the industry?

RB: The Ohio U.S. Senate race pitting incumbent Democrat Sherrod Brown versus Republican businessman Bernie Moreno is one of the most watched races in the country. It is one of a handful of races nationwide that will determine which party controls the U.S. Senate. Control of the Senate will go a long way in determining the future of U.S. energy policy.  

In Ohio, the biggest issue we are watching is State Issue 1, the constitutional amendment to change how statehouse districts are drawn. Additionally, the outcome of the three Ohio Supreme Court races will no doubt impact what is happening in our industry as well as others.

MC: Regardless of the down-ballot winners in Texas, our Texas representatives and senators will, in my view, work to shield the oil and gas industry as best they can from the kinds of attacks we’ve seen lately. That said, my observation is that our energy literacy as a country is on the rise; the Democratic presidential nominee, for example, is under less pressure to criticize the oil and gas industry as was her predecessor.

Again, it’s not been an issue with Texas politicians, but I see Democrats in non-oil producing regions far less vocally opposed to us as we saw in the past. The industry is doing a good job explaining their work in such areas as carbon capture, geothermal and hydrogen, which I believe has had an impact on public opinion.

RK: The direct election by popular vote of the Texas Railroad Commissioners is always a curiosity. Since the average Texan has no idea what the Texas Railroad Commission does, with added confusion from their antiquated name, the candidates often win their primaries and elections on policy positions that have nothing to do with the oil and gas industry.

I think it would be better if they were appointed by the governor and serve the same six-year staggered terms. It’s such an important position for the Texas economy, and I think it would benefit everyone in the industry to keep the RRC focused on regulation that balances the interests of all stakeholders instead of being distracted by trying to appeal to people who have no idea what the RRC is.

Otherwise, there are some congressional races all over the country that I’m interested in—there’s a lot of bipartisan support for American dominance in global LNG markets, and I hope that grows.

EL: Without question, there will be some tight races this election cycle. We are watching some tough fights along the Rio Grande Valley, in our key oil producing regions and in some of the major metroplexes across the state. By and large, however, elected officials in Texas understand the importance of oil and gas. They recognize the contributions of Texas oil and gas to employment in their districts, the state’s Rainy Day Fund, or Economic Stabilization Fund, state infrastructure, public schools, universities, first responders and other essential services.

Texas elected officials, regardless of party, generally understand that Texas oil and gas producers live, work and raise families in the very communities that they develop mineral resources and that they have a genuine commitment to positive stewardship. 

SP: Balance of power in the Senate and House is critical to our industry. There are a number of pivotal Senate races, including Ted Cruz (R-Texas) along with races in Michigan, Montana, Maryland, Nevada, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

The House is a toss-up on the majority and is critical, given the chairs of the committees affecting our industry are at stake.

In the event of a Harris-Walz victory, Republicans must control at least the House to prevent permanent damage to the energy industry, capitalism and consumers.

DD: How might the outcome of the November election improve the economics of domestic oil and gas production?

RB: Our message is the same regardless of who wins in November, and that is energy should not be a partisan issue. We will continue to advocate for common-sense rules so our members can do what they do best, which is to responsibly and efficiently produce natural gas and oil to serve the needs of American families.

Answers to this question are going to vary wildly depending on where someone operates and what kind of assets they have. We operate in Texas, don’t have any federal leases and our hydrocarbons are transported to Texas markets in pipelines that don’t cross state lines, so we aren’t affected as much from political volatility at the federal level, at least in terms of regulation. With that said, I think everyone in the industry needs to keep an eye on policy positions on these macroeconomic and geopolitical themes:

1. Iranian sanctions. A more hawkish stance towards Iran will likely result in lower exports, which would be bullish for oil prices. 

2. Conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine. As far as we can tell, there’s very little geopolitical risk premium in the current price, and there hasn’t been since 2022. We see little spikes here and there (missile strikes, Houthis, etc.), but they don’t last very long. If things really heat up, we’ll see that risk premium return. Short term, that would benefit producers, but long term, that results in demand destruction, so it’s to everyone’s benefit to have a stable, peaceful world with low market volatility. 

3. OPEC. The populist rhetoric for low energy prices is coming from all corners of the political spectrum, albeit with different philosophies on how to get there. The U.S. is the world’s largest oil producer, but the projections calling for another 1 MMbbl/d of growth in the next few years are not grounded in reality. Consolidation and lower prices have driven rig counts to levels we haven’t seen since 2021, and we are drilling our inventory faster than we can replace it. So, the balance of power in global oil markets is shifting back to OPEC with its substantial spare capacity. In other words, in terms of global supply and demand balances, I don’t think there’s much that a Trump or Harris administration can do to affect oil prices over the long term. If OPEC wants the price at $50/bbl (and they can live with the fiscal consequences), it will go to $50/bbl. If they want the price at $100/bbl, it will go to $100/bbl. The domestic oil and gas industry has lived with this reality for most of the last 50 years, so we should be used to it.

4. The Strategic Petroleum Reserve. This is a drop in the ocean compared to OPEC, but the SPR is 300 MMbbl below where it was in 2021. It’s getting refilled very slowly. I’m not sure which of Trump or Harris is more likely to support filling it back to where it was, but the precedent has been set that it can be used to temporarily suppress a spike in oil prices, but only if the reserve is there. 

Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting
The U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve is 300 MMbbl below where it was in 2021, an issue that may need to be addressed by the next president. (Source: U.S. Department of Energy)

5. The EU border carbon tax, and more broadly, growing LNG exports. Bypassing or mitigating the border carbon tax in the European Union is a potential windfall for everyone in the American oil and gas supply chain. This will need cooperation from our entire supply chain and the federal government. There’s bipartisan support for this, but it’s weighted to the R side.

MC: Regardless of who wins the presidency, the pause in LNG licensing will likely be lifted because the political imperative for the pause will be behind us. Beyond that, I don’t see the parties as terribly far apart on oil and gas policy as some might think, except perhaps when it comes to federal lands and the development of the Gulf of Mexico. There, too, political expediency, as opposed to thoughtful policy, was at play and, post-election, I hope to see us return to rational policy regardless of who wins.

EL: Federal policies, especially those enabling the expansion of LNG export capacity, more efficient environmental reviews for infrastructure, and continued leasing on federal lands and waters are crucial to safeguarding American energy and national security. Currently, four multibillion-dollar LNG projects in Texas are at risk from the current permitting pause. An administration that lifts the currently imposed LNG pause and recognizes the significance of American energy security is paramount.

The oil and gas industry, particularly here in Texas, where we lead the nation in producing these valuable resources, is a major job creator and contributor to economic growth in our communities. It’s also critical for supplying energy across the United States and globally. Whatever the outcome in November, we need elected officials who understand what’s at stake and work alongside the industry to ensure workable regulations and less uncertainty for investments. A drop in production would lead to destabilized global energy markets, supply shortages and high energy prices for not only Americans, but our strategic allies who are as dependent on strong American production as we are.

The need for regulatory certainty at the state and federal levels remains a top priority and elections can have a significant impact. Fortunately, we have that in Texas with our pro-business environment and common-sense energy policy, but the federal government has consistently made it more challenging and costly to produce domestic energy.

Despite this reality, we see some candidates taking credit for record levels of production, when their policy decisions reflect the opposite. Increased domestic production is the result of growing global demand, a recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, production cuts by OPEC and efficiencies gained by U.S. operators during extreme periods of market volatility, not the policy actions taken in recent years that are considered anti-oil and natural gas. It’s not the first time we’ve seen this during an election cycle, nor will it be the last, but we are producing more oil and natural gas despite current federal policy, not as a result of it. It’s our hope that the focus on energy policy by various candidates, including “banning” hydraulic fracturing, will help to educate more Americans on how critical our industry is in every aspect of their lives.

Some of the more impactful federal regulations facing our industry that could be bolstered or reversed depending on the outcome of the elections are in the methane emissions category, including: the [WEC], which is the natural fee or tax in the Inflation Reduction Act; revisions to Subpart W reporting that will be used to determine the amount of methane that will be subject to the [WEC]; and New Source Performance Standards OOOO B&C. The latter, and most impactful, directly regulates the oil and gas industry through setting emission standards for both new and existing sites.

SM: Our country has an opportunity to enhance its domestic energy production and support allies who need energy security. The United States produces the cleanest natural gas in the world and our international partners, especially in Europe, need a reliable energy partner. We’re hopeful that either presidential candidate will execute energy policy that realizes the potential for stability and economic prosperity for the United States and our international partners. 

DP: To state the obvious, this clearly depends on which candidate wins. Harris is likely to make it tougher on oil and gas business, with potentially more restrictive regulations, taxes, access, etc., while supporting and encouraging clean energy (and thus shortening the ultimate runway of the conventional energy industry). However, these actions could result in lower/tighter oil and gas supply and potentially higher prices, boosting profitability.

Trump is more likely to be a friend to the conventional energy industry with less restrictive regulations, taxes, access, etc. He’ll also likely hammer the clean energy business (removing incentives), thus lengthening the oil and gas runway. While business conditions would be more favorable, Trump’s “drill, baby, drill” mentality could result in higher supply and lower commodity prices. 

SP: A Harris-Walz victory and one or more houses of Congress with a Democratic majority will raise the cost of doing business in energy, damage markets for our products, increase cycle time for projects (permitting), and severely reduce access to developing and producing on federal lands, which is already in place under Biden-Harris. A Trump-Vance administration with one or more houses of Congress will reverse the Biden-Harris punitive regulatory policies by replacing the progressive heads of the regulatory agencies affecting the energy industry, along with imposing stronger sanctions on Iranian and Russian oil exports. Post the Supreme Court’s reversal of the “Chevron deference” case, federal agencies need to be reined in and follow legislative and judicial directives.

Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting
An oil tanker at the De-Kastri export terminal, a hub for Russian crude exports to Asian markets. How the next president handles sanctions against countries like Russia and Venezuela will have an impact on the U.S. energy sector. (Source: Shutterstock)

DD: What opportunities and challenges may result from the election outcome?

RB: Those involved in the natural gas and oil industry are authentic entrepreneurs whose focus will continue to be turning challenges into opportunities and will always find ways to operate and innovate. Politics sometimes slows things down but, regardless of who wins in November, we have a responsibility to find, lift and process the natural gas and oil that will continue to power the global economy.

MC: There is no question Democrats will be less vocal in support of oil and gas than Republicans; but I believe sentiment within the Democratic Party is not as profoundly anti-oil and gas as it once was. Nor do I believe a Democratic victory will pose a threat to our industry. I often remind my friends that oil and gas production, even under a Democratic president, is at an all-time high.

RK: Presidents get too much credit when things go well, and too much blame when they don’t. For most, macroeconomic trends and state/local regulations have a greater impact. With that said, smaller operators and those with federal leases and/or insufficient pipeline egress will likely face more challenges with Harris in the White House. 

EL: There is only one thing that is certain from whatever the outcome in November might be—change is on the horizon, and with it, a multitude of challenges and opportunities for our industry. As with any election where a new president is guaranteed, we’ll be navigating a period of uncertainty as the new administration settles in and establishes what its regulatory priorities will be.

Whether there will be a continuation or expansion of current policies or a reversal of them is unknown at this point. What we do know is that new administrations mean opportunity to sit down and discuss current policies, what’s needed and what challenges the industry is facing to hopefully reach some solutions together, if they are willing.

SM: Election cycles have repeatedly caused stop-start regulatory challenges in recent decades, complicating and interrupting development of the infrastructure necessary to satisfy energy demand, which is increasing due to AI data centers, new technologies, population growth, rising living standards and industrialization. That stop-start cycle needs to end. Regardless of the election outcome, we look forward to working with the new administration to enact a realistic, real-world regulatory framework that supports the goal of reliable, affordable and cleaner energy.

DP: One unknown regards the geopolitical actions the new president will take. Will they push for a conclusion to the Russia/Ukraine conflict and the Israel/Gaza turmoil? Will they sanction countries like Iran and Venezuela? Will they be a friend or foe to OPEC+ and Saudi Arabia? 

SP: The oil and gas industry just needs a pragmatic, stable regulatory environment to continue producing and processing clean, affordable natural gas and petroleum products for our citizens and our allies across the globe. For challenges, a Harris-Walz administration will permanently threaten the existence of the small operator in the United States, impacting almost 1 MMboe/d of production and countless jobs and tax revenue to localities.

The other threat to independents and royalty owners is the Democrats’ plans to eliminate intangible drilling cost deductions and percentage depletion, along with raising corporate and individual tax rates. These changes leave less funds available to reinvest in the upstream industry, but in all forms of manufacturing and thus destroy jobs and our economy.

DD: How will the election affect innovation and technological advances in the industry?

RB: Over the next several years, as we continue to explore opportunities within the hydrogen space, we expect to see additional advances in technology that very well may be applicable to other sectors within the industry. We are hopeful that industry innovation will continue to outpace political roadblocks.  

MC: There is always the possibility that IRA subsidies will be rolled back, depending on who wins. But I think the possibility is remote. As long as IRA money doesn’t prevent investment in oil and gas, opposition to subsidies will be muted at best. Deficit hawks will form the most vocal opposition to continued IRA subsidies, but politicians stopped listening to deficit hawks (sadly) many years ago.

Controlling methane leaks may be one area where the election could make a difference. The majors are already working on this, but some smaller operators aren’t. If Democrats take over completely, we could see much more stringent rules; but from a macro perspective, I don’t think stricter rules will have a profound impact on the whole industry, just smaller players.

Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting
The election could meaningfully impact the pace of clean energy technology development and rollout, such as hydrogen technology and alternative energy sources. (Source: Shutterstock)

RK: A good idea that lowers the cost of supply is going to be successful regardless of who is in the White House. 

EL: Innovation and technological advancement are at the heart of the U.S. oil and gas industry. We’re continuously researching and studying to find ways to improve efficiency, reduce our environmental footprint, and continue to supply the energy that fuels the world. That won’t change with a shift in administration.

Depending on the outcome, we could see increased incentives, R&D funding through the Department of Energy and related policy to support one form of energy over another, but it’s irrefutable that oil and natural gas will continue to play a dominant role in meeting growing energy demand. Policy and any federal-oriented funding should reflect that reality.

To be clear, the Texas oil and natural gas industry is not asking for more incentives at the federal level. We are asking for a level playing field that does not pick winners and losers to the detriment of American consumers.

SM: The shale revolution brought about an energy reality previously unfathomable to energy economists and experts across the globe. That revolution reflected the ingenuity, expertise and intellect of the oil and gas industry, which has a proven record for solving problems. Any new administration will best benefit our country by listening to oil and gas industry leaders and partnering with them as problem-solving experts who can nurture the next innovations that will facilitate our nation meeting its challenges. Top-down mandates built on assumptions untethered from practical realities will fail to achieve our shared goal for reliable, affordable and sustainable energy.

DP: It feels like the election is a relatively small influence on innovation and technological advances in the oil and gas portion of the energy sector. Industry profitability is solid, which allows companies to invest in R&D and technology that brings down costs and boosts productivity. Profitability, not the president, will keep these advances moving ahead.

Turning to clean energy, the election could meaningfully impact the pace of technology development and rollout. If the loans, grants, tax credits and subsidies associated with the IRA are halted or reversed, technology-dependent clean energy will take a hit.

DD: What should top the priorities of those officials who take the oath of office in January?

RB: The top priority of the next administration should be to unleash American natural gas and oil. We have seen firsthand the growth and positive change that comes directly to communities when our members invest in the people and infrastructure it takes to grow our industry.

MC: In my opinion, the U.S. needs to maximize oil and gas production, for economic and national security reasons. We also need to lead the way in terms of carbon capture, geothermal, hydrogen and supplying the world with LNG. These imperatives complement each other, and it has been good for the general public to see this. Irrational critiques of the oil and gas industry need to stop, and this goes a long way.

RK: Affordable, abundant energy from all sources—an “all of the above” approach that relies on market solutions and avoids perverse incentives. Oil, gas, nuclear, wind, solar, batteries, coal, biofuels. All of it. If a company produces affordable energy profitably in a way that balances the needs of society, then it deserves a seat at the table. 

EL: Producers in the Lone Star State look to state and federal officials for common-sense legislation, like the Energy Permitting Reform Act, that supports responsible production and meeting energy demand. Over the last 12 years, natural gas demand has increased 45% within the United States, yet pipeline capacity has only expanded 28% in that same time period. The industry is dedicated to helping meet this demand, and we urge lawmakers to do their part in ensuring the industry has the critical infrastructure to deliver energy when and where it’s needed.

SM: From midstream’s perspective, the top priority should be designing energy policy that reflects the need to facilitate a diversity of energy sources to satisfy increasing energy demand. We take for granted the growing quantity of energy required to maintain the lifestyle we enjoy in this country today. Government policies should reflect the challenges faced in all sectors of the energy industry when setting goals and targets. Policies should reflect an understanding of the practical realities affecting the delivery of reliable, affordable and sustainable energy.

DP: Top energy priorities should be making sure the U.S. oil and gas industry maintains its status as the world’s biggest energy producer. Domestic energy stability and “independence” gives the United States so much strategic flexibility. The U.S. is no longer beholden to foreign oil producers for oil or gasoline. This must be maintained. Another priority is to thread the needle on the cost/benefit of new energy technologies and renewables. Balancing fiscal responsibility and speed of decarbonization will move the U.S. forward without inefficient spending or unnecessary declines in standard of living.

SP: Securing the border, reforming welfare and other federal programs that are bankrupting the country, eliminate subsidies on energy and carbon projects that do not improve the quality of life for our citizens, and get out of the way of the business that is focused on providing energy of all forms to its citizens.

DD: How do you view the energy policies of Kamala Harris and Donald Trump? Whose leadership would advantage the oil and gas industry, including its ability to address growing local, national and global demand for energy?

RB: Energy in general and oil and gas specifically will continue to be debated during the remaining weeks of this election cycle and both candidates and their campaigns will refine their messages. Our hope is that both see the value that the industry brings to the country and the economy. American energy is vital to the growing global economy as well as the mission to reduce carbon emissions. Demand is expected to surge, and we can meet that growing need today and into the future. 

MC: I believe a Trump administration will be more singularly focused on oil and gas than a Harris administration. But the broader focus of a Harris administration, i.e., an “all of the above” approach embracing new sources of energy and innovative technologies to manage carbon, need not be harmful to oil and gas interests. A Harris administration is not likely to feel anywhere near the pressure to vilify the oil and gas industry as the current president felt at the start of his term. If the oil industry continues to lead in such areas as carbon capture, geothermal, hydrogen and reducing methane emission, we may find an ally in Harris if she wins the presidency. That, in my opinion, should be the industry’s objective.

EL: Both Harris and Trump have acknowledged the importance of domestic energy production and are committed to not banning fracking. Trump has a strong record of supporting realistic regulation and providing opportunities for increased oil and gas production. The Biden-Harris administration has issued a long list of policies that are considered anti-oil and natural gas, like the pauses on LNG permits and leasing on federal lands that have created uncertainty for U.S. investment. Not to say elected officials can’t change course, but we generally know what to expect in both scenarios and will work with either administration to craft an energy platform that reflects our needs from an energy security, economic and environmental standpoint.

SM: The need for energy—at home and abroad—won’t change based on who’s in office. Regardless of the outcome in November, our task is to build bipartisan support for real-world solutions to our energy needs. That means working with lawmakers and regulators so we can build the infrastructure necessary for America to remain the world leader in producing clean, reliable and affordable energy.

Energy’s Election Stakes: Regulations, Bureaucracy, Permitting
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