美国总统候选人卡马拉·哈里斯在石油资源丰富的宾夕法尼亚州遭遇人字拖困扰

Ari Natter,彭博社 2024 年 8 月 14 日

(彭博社) — 卡玛拉·哈里斯在宾夕法尼亚州华盛顿县面临着一个问题,那里的连绵起伏的绿色农田上散布着天然气钻井平台和井场。

问问米奇·莫利纳罗,一位留着浓密胡须、笑容随和的沥青工人。哈里斯在她最后一次竞选总统时呼吁禁止水力压裂,但今年改变了立场。水力压裂帮助莫利纳罗度过了大衰退。 

石油和天然气开采过程引发了宾夕法尼亚州西南部的经济繁荣,为他带来了为能源公司铺设通道的稳定工作。50​​ 岁的莫利纳罗曾是唐纳德·特朗普的选民,他说他对即将到来的选举犹豫不决,因为前总统的个性让他犹豫不决。但哈里斯的能源政策让他望而却步。

“能源在这里很重要,”莫利纳罗说,他靠在他的卡车上,牛仔裤上涂着焦油。“卡里斯支持绿色新政和类似的东西。她竞选的政纲是反对化石燃料。”

为了在这个竞争激烈的战场州获胜,哈里斯必须克服这个包袱。尽管她的竞选团队坚称她不想禁止水力压裂,但哈里斯尚未明确说明如果她赢得总统大选,她将如何对待石油和天然气行业,而且如果没有新的策略,旧策略可能会让她失去选票。

选择该州广受欢迎的民主党州长乔希·夏皮罗 (Josh Shapiro) 作为她的竞选搭档可能会有所帮助。他在水力压裂问题上采取了中间立场,要求公司披露他们在压裂过程中使用的化学品,但拒绝禁止水力压裂的呼吁。相反,哈里斯选择了明尼苏达州州长蒂姆·沃尔兹 (Tim Walz),后者推动了一项气候法,迫使该州到 2040 年从无碳能源中获取所有电力。

“她确实需要解释她的观点是什么,她的计划和方向是什么,”西宾夕法尼亚建筑商协会执行董事杰夫·诺伯斯 (Jeff Nobers) 表示,该协会的许多成员都在能源行业工作。“我要问她的问题是,是什么发生了变化,让你说你不支持禁止水力压裂,因为水力压裂并没有改变。”

分析人士认为,赢得宾夕法尼亚州对哈里斯来说是必然的,而且这绝非易事。2020 年,拜登总统在该州以不到 81,000 票的优势赢得了近 700 万张选票。特朗普在 2016 年以更小的优势赢得了该州——仅超过 44,000 票。根据 RealClear Polling 计算的几项民意调查的平均值,特朗普目前在该州的领先优势不到 1 个百分点。 

华盛顿县位于匹兹堡西南,位于马塞勒斯页岩层之上,该层使宾夕法尼亚州成为美国第二大天然气产地。该县一直可靠地支持民主党总统候选人,直到 2008 年情况发生逆转,开始支持共和党,特朗普在 2020 年大选中获得了 61% 的选票。富兰克林与马歇尔学院民意研究中心主任伯伍德·A·约斯特表示,宾夕法尼亚州西南部的大部分地区也经历了类似的转变,水力压裂也发挥了一定作用。 

约斯特表示,“民主党采取的反对水力压裂的立场与这些县长期以来的一些最好的经济消息背道而驰。”

在 2019 年短暂的总统竞选期间,哈里斯呼吁禁止水力压裂,并提出了一项 10 万亿美元的气候计划,力争到 2030 年实现 100% 碳中和电力。她的提议将对碳排放定价,并停止在公共土地上签订新的化石燃料租约,同时逐步淘汰现有的租约。特朗普现在在竞选集会和广告中抨击这些立场。

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“记住,宾夕法尼亚,我说过:她不希望发生水力压裂。她的话已经被录音了,”特朗普上个月底在明尼苏达州的竞选集会上说道。“现代技术的美妙之处在于,当你说了什么,如果说错了,你就完蛋了。”

对此,哈里斯竞选团队指出,哈里斯担任副总统期间的政绩包括对拜登签署的气候法案投下决定性一票。竞选团队表示,该法案帮助引发了制造业繁荣,为能源行业创造了 30 万个就业岗位。

竞选团队表示,“哈里斯总统关注的是未来所有美国人都能拥有清洁的空气、清洁的水和负担得起的可靠能源,而特朗普的谎言显然是为了转移人们对他以牺牲中产阶级为代价来让石油和天然气高管致富的计划的注意力。”

宾夕法尼亚州民众对能源的看法也可能决定美国参议院的平衡,目前参议院仅由民主党控制。共和党商人戴夫·麦考密克正在挑战民主党参议员鲍勃·凯西,他最近出现在沃伦县的一个油井场,指责凯西和哈里斯想要禁止化石燃料。然而,凯西表示他支持水力压裂。

“我们州的人民知道我对这个问题的立场,”凯西在接受采访时说。“我在参议院任职期间一直支持这一立场,一直是这一立场的坚定倡导者。这对我们州来说很重要。”

宾夕法尼亚州民众对水力压裂法的支持程度并不一致。YouGov 于 2020 年进行的一项调查发现,民众对水力压裂法的支持程度不一,不过居住在农村地区或自认为是共和党人的宾夕法尼亚州民众更有可能支持水力压裂法。

自从 Lois Bower-Bjornson 的家附近开始出现天然气井后,她就开始带领游客参观华盛顿县的水力压裂现场。为了给日益壮大的家庭提供活动空间,她从匹兹堡搬到了风景山。她认为水力压裂对地下水和公众健康构成威胁。

“宾夕法尼亚州西南部正面临癌症危机,”57 岁的鲍尔-比约森一边开车,一边沿着乡间小路前行,路上挂满了指示牌,指示油井交通保持 25 英里每小时的限速,草坪上的标志牌上写着“保护我们的孩子:扩大水力压裂限制”。她承认,水力压裂禁令不太可能实施,但希望该州要求在天然气井和建筑物或水井之间设立更大的缓冲区——2,500 英尺,而不是目前的 500 英尺。她支持哈里斯,并表示她不​​会投票给任何说“钻吧,宝贝,钻吧”的人。

哈里斯获得与天然气行业相关工作人群的支持并非不可能,但可能需要取得谨慎的平衡。 

“我确实相信她会妥协,”来自匹兹堡北部巴特勒的 60 岁蒸汽管道工弗兰克·格雷 (Frank Gray) 说。 

格雷在代表全州能源供应链工人的蒸汽管道工工会 449 号分会的培训中心发表讲话时说,他发现她过去在能源问题上的一些立场“令人反感”,但无论如何他都会投票给她。“总的来说,我确实认为她有好的想法,”他说。

艾伦镇穆伦伯格学院政治学教授克里斯托弗·博里克表示,这个话题让哈里斯在该州选举胜利悬而未决的州的竞选活动变得复杂。

他说:“副总统在这个问题上的立场无疑使向宾夕法尼亚州民众推销她比向拜登推销她更困难一些。与拜登相比,她遭受的直接攻击更为直接。”

原文链接/WorldOil

U.S. presidential candidate Kamala Harris’ fracing flip-flop haunts her in oil-rich Pennsylvania

Ari Natter, Bloomberg August 14, 2024

(Bloomberg) — Kamala Harris faces a problem in Washington County, Pennsylvania, where gas drilling rigs and well pads dot the rolling green farmland.

Ask Mickey Molinaro, an asphalt worker with a bushy beard and easy-going smile. Harris, in her last White House run, called for a ban on fracing, before reversing her stance this year. And fracing helped Molinaro survive the Great Recession. 

The oil and gas extraction process triggered an economic boom in southwestern Pennsylvania, bringing him steady work paving access roads for energy companies. A former Donald Trump voter, Molinaro, 50, says he’s undecided about the upcoming election, put off by the ex-president’s personality. But Harris’ energy policies push him away.

“Energy is a big deal here,” Molinaro said, leaning against his truck, tar coating his jeans. “Harris supports the Green New Deal and that kind of stuff. She runs on a platform that’s anti-fossil fuel.”

To win in this highly competitive battleground state, Harris will have to overcome that baggage. No matter that her campaign insists she doesn’t want to ban fracing. Harris has not yet spelled out how she would treat the oil and gas industry should she win the presidency, and in the absence of a new approach the old one could be costing her votes.

Picking the state’s popular Democratic governor, Josh Shapiro, as her running mate could have helped. He has staked out a middle ground on fracing, requiring companies to disclose the chemicals they use in the process but rejecting calls to ban it. Instead, Harris chose Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, who pushed through a climate law forcing his state to get all its electricity from carbon-free sources by 2040.

“She really needs to explain what her point of view is, what her plan and direction would be,” said Jeff Nobers, executive director of the Builders Guild of Western Pennsylvania, many of whose members work in the energy industry. “My question to her is what has changed that makes you say you don’t support a ban on fracing, because fracing hasn’t changed.”

Analysts consider winning Pennsylvania a necessity for Harris, and it won’t be easy. President Joe Biden took the state in 2020 by less than 81,000 votes out of nearly 7 million cast. Trump won it in 2016 by an even slimmer margin — just over 44,000 votes. Trump currently holds less than a 1-point lead in the state, according to an average of several polls calculated by RealClear Polling. 

Washington County, just southwest of Pittsburgh, sits atop the Marcellus shale formation, which has turned Pennsylvania into the nation’s second-largest producer of natural gas. The county reliably picked Democratic presidential candidates until it flipped in 2008, when it began backing Republicans, giving Trump 61% of the vote in 2020. Much of southwestern Pennsylvania underwent a similar shift, and fracing played a role, said Berwood A. Yost, director of the Center for Opinion Research at Franklin & Marshall College. 

“The anti-fracing position Democrats were taking ran counter to some of the best economic news in those counties in a long time,” Yost said.

During her short-lived 2019 presidential campaign, Harris called for a fracing ban and pitched a $10 trillion climate plan that sought 100% carbon-neutral electricity by 2030. Her proposal would have put a price on carbon emissions and halted new fossil-fuel leases on public lands while phasing out existing ones. Trump now attacks those positions in campaign rallies and ads.

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“Remember, Pennsylvania, I said it: she wants no fracing. She’s on tape,” Trump said at a campaign rally in Minnesota late last month. “The beautiful thing about modern technology is when you say something, you’re screwed if it’s bad.”

In response, the Harris campaign pointed to Harris’ record as vice president, which includes casting the tie-breaking vote on Biden’s signature climate law. That law, the campaign said, helped trigger a manufacturing boom that has created 300,000 jobs in the energy sector.

“Vice President Harris is focused on a future where all Americans have clean air, clean water, and affordable, reliable energy while Trump’s lies are an obvious attempt to distract from his own plans to enrich oil and gas executive at the expense of the middle class,” the campaign said.

Pennsylvanians’ views on energy could determine the balance of the US Senate as well, now narrowly controlled by Democrats. Republican businessman Dave McCormick, who is challenging Democratic Senator Bob Casey, made a recent appearance at a Warren County well pad, accusing Casey and Harris of wanting to ban fossil fuels. Casey, however, says he supports fracing.

“The people of our state know my position on that issue,” Casey said in an interview. “We’ve supported it my whole time in the Senate, have been a strong advocate for it. It’s important for our state.”

Public support for fracing in Pennsylvania is not uniform. A 2020 survey conducted by YouGov found support evenly split, though Pennsylvanians who live in rural areas or identify as Republican were more likely to back it.

Lois Bower-Bjornson began giving tours of Washington County’s fracing sites after gas wells started appearing near her home in Scenery Hill, where she moved from Pittsburgh to give her growing family room to roam. She considers fracing a threat to groundwater and public health.

“We have a cancer crisis here in southwestern Pennsylvania,” said Bower-Bjornson, 57, as she drove down a country lane dotted with signs directing well traffic a keep a 25 mile per hour speed limit, while lawn signs read “Protect our kids: expand fracing setbacks.” She concedes a fracing ban is unlikely but wants the state to require a bigger buffer zone between gas wells and buildings or water wells – 2,500 feet, rather than the current 500. She supports Harris and says she won’t vote for anyone who says “drill, baby, drill.”

It’s not impossible for Harris to pick up support among people whose jobs are tied to the gas industry, but it may require striking a careful balance. 

“I do believe she will compromise,” said Frank Gray, a 60-year-old steamfitter from Butler, north of Pittsburgh. 

Speaking at the training center of the Steamfitters Local 449, which represents workers across the state’s energy supply chain, Gray said he found some of her past stances on energy “upsetting” but planned to vote for her anyway. “In general, I do think she has good ideas,” he said.

The topic has complicated Harris’ campaign in a state where elections are won on the margins, said Christopher Borick, a political science professor at Allentown’s Muhlenberg College.

“The vice president’s positions on the issue certainly makes a pitch to Pennsylvanians a little more difficult than Biden,” he said. “She has opened herself up to more direct attacks than Biden ever did.”