雅虎财经


伊拉克埃尔比勒——每天有数百辆油轮从库尔德斯坦首都埃尔比勒附近蜿蜒而来,向北驶往土耳其,向东驶往伊朗,堵塞了伊拉克地区常常蜿蜒曲折的山区公路。

这些油轮是伊拉克大规模运输行动中最引人注意的部分,自去年官方关闭出口管道以来,这种暗箱操作蓬勃发展,用卡车将石油从伊拉克半自治地区运往伊朗和土耳其。

路透社通过与伊拉克和库尔德石油工程师、贸易商、政府官员、政界人士、外交官和石油行业消息人士等 20 多人的交谈,拼凑出了这项蓬勃发展的贸易的细节。

他们描绘了一幅蓬勃发展的油田业务图景:每天有超过 1,000 艘油轮向伊朗运送至少 20 万桶廉价石油,并少量运往土耳其——每月带来约 2 亿美元的收入。

伊拉克官员表示,非官方出口规模此前从未被报道过,这是伊拉克今年未能遵守与石油输出国组织达成的减产协议的原因之一。

伊朗和土耳其官员没有回应置评请求。

伊拉克石油部发言人阿西姆·吉哈德表示,库尔德斯坦贸易未获得伊拉克政府的批准,国有石油营销商 SOMO 是唯一获准销售伊拉克原油的官方实体。

他说,政府并没有关于走私到伊朗和土耳其的石油数量的准确数据。

“PEC 现在对走私的耐心已经减少了,甚至对违规成员采取了惩罚措施。我怀疑我们会看到对巴格达的任何报复,因为众所周知,库尔德地区不受中央控制,”休斯顿莱斯大学贝克研究所的吉姆·克兰说。

一位美国官员表示,这项业务还可能使库尔德斯坦与亲密盟友华盛顿发生冲突,因为美国正在评估这项贸易是否违反了美国对伊朗的任何经济制裁。

直到去年,库尔德斯坦的大部分原油都是通过伊拉克-土耳其官方管道(ITP)出口的,该管道从伊拉克石油城市基尔库克延伸至土耳其港口杰伊汉。

然而,2023 年 3 月,国际法庭裁定支持伊拉克联邦政府停止出口的要求,导致每日约 45 万桶的石油出口停止,管道因此陷入法律和财务困境。

巴格达联邦政府长期以来一直坚持认为它是唯一被授权向伊拉克出售石油的一方,并成功辩称土耳其在未经同意的情况下与库尔德斯坦地区政府安排了石油出口,违反了 1973 年的条约。

“楴O TRACE”

业内消息人士、石油官员和外交官表示,油轮很快就开始将库尔德石油运往邻国,在重新开放管道的谈判陷入僵局后,这项业务今年加速发展。

当地官员表示,这些收益均未记入或登记在库尔德斯坦地区政府(KRG)的金库中,该政府一直在努力支付数千名公务员的工资。

“没有任何石油收入的踪迹,”地区议员阿里·胡马·萨利赫 (Ali Huma Saleh) 说道,他曾担任库尔德斯坦议会石油委员会主席,直至该委员会于 2023 年解散。他认为石油贸易量超过 30 万桶/天,高于大多数其他估计。

库尔德斯坦两大执政党之一库尔德斯坦爱国联盟(PUK)的高级官员希瓦·穆罕默德 (Hiwa Mohammed) 表示,石油是通过边境口岸运输的,而地区政府和联邦政府都是知情的。

库尔德斯坦政府财政部官员没有回应置评请求。负责监管库尔德斯坦石油贸易的库尔德斯坦政府自然资源部没有发言人。

一名美国官员表示,华盛顿正在关注石油贸易,以评估对伊朗制裁的遵守情况。

美国财政部拒绝发表评论。

美国国务院一名官员表示:“美国对伊朗的制裁仍然存在,我们定期与合作伙伴就制裁执行问题进行接触,但我们没有详细说明这些对话。”

库尔德斯坦自然资源部一位高级官员表示,该地区的石油产量为每天 37.5 万桶,其中 20 万桶通过卡车运往伊朗和土耳其,其余的在当地进行提炼。

“没人知道这20万美元走私到国外的收入,或者卖给该地区炼油厂的石油衍生品的收入去了哪里,”这位官员说,由于事情的敏感性,他拒绝透露姓名。

**原油降价**

业内和政界消息人士称,库尔德斯坦的石油公司以每桶 30 至 40 美元的折扣价将原油卖给当地买家,这约为全球价格的一半,相当于每月至少 2 亿美元的收入。

库尔德斯坦的石油生产主要由八家国际石油公司控制:DNO ASA、Genel Energy、Gulf Keystone Petroleum、ShaMaran Petroleum、HKN Energy、WesternZagros、MOL 的 Kalegran 和 Hunt Oil Company。

总部位于美国的亨特石油公司拒绝置评。其他七家公司没有回应置评请求,库尔德斯坦的主要参与者、当地公司 KAR 集团也没有回应置评请求。

虽然管道关闭后大部分石油生产停止,但包括 DNO、Keystone 和 ShaMaran 在内的一些公司在声明中表示,他们已开始生产原油并出售给库尔德斯坦境内的买家。

ShaMaran 表示,2024 年前三个月其销售的石油平均价格为每桶 36.49 美元,而 Keystone 在 6 月份表示,今年 Shaikan 油田的原油销售额约为每桶 28 美元。

业内消息人士称,经批准的当地买家在原油生产商不知情的情况下从石油公司购买原油并通过中间商转售用于出口。

大部分业内和政界消息人士称,绝大多数卡车运输的石油通过哈吉奥马兰等伊拉克官方边境口岸或更南部的彭文运往伊朗。

工业、政治和外交消息人士称,从那里,石油被装上停靠在伊朗海湾地区的霍梅尼港和阿巴斯港的船只(这是过去库尔德人出口石油的贸易路线),或者通过公路运往阿富汗和巴基斯坦。

路透社无法确定伊朗从这笔贸易中得到了什么,也不知道伊朗的石油接收者是谁。由于制裁,伊朗自身石油产品销售困难。

库尔德爱国联盟的穆罕默德称,这些汽油被送往伊朗提炼成汽油。

巴基斯坦石油部拒绝置评。阿富汗官员没有回应置评请求。

黑市迷宫

这项贸易是伊拉克长期存在的黑市石油交易的最新表现,人们普遍认为,这些交易使与商业利益密切相关的政治精英受益。

12 位知情人士表示,库尔德斯坦的两个执政党——巴尔扎尼家族的库尔德斯坦民主党 (KDP) 和塔拉巴尼家族的库尔德斯坦爱国联盟 (PUK) 的官员都是受益者。

“黑市上充斥着各种行贿的销售人员,以及那些批准销售的人。他们并不是在视而不见。他们正在分一杯羹,”一位从事库尔德石油贸易的业内人士说。

巴格达一位高级外交官表示,由于政治利益如此强烈地集中在石油贸易上,恢复通过管道出口的官方利益已降到了外交议程的低位,而恢复管道出口曾是石油贸易的当务之急。

这位人士表示,“在大家都在开派对的时候,我们不会提倡这种做法。”

库尔德民主党官员没有回应对黑市交易发表评论的请求。库尔德爱国联盟官员穆罕默德没有评论谁是幕后黑手。

库尔德官员称,管道关闭迫使该地区参与贸易,他们认为这是伊朗支持的巴格达什叶派政党为限制他们自 1991 年第一次海湾战争结束以来享有的相对自治权而采取的更广泛行动的一部分。

一位熟悉石油问题的伊拉克议会高级官员表示,巴格达方面了解该业务的细节,但由于官员们试图解决与埃尔比勒的悬而未决的争端,因此避免公开批评。

这位不愿透露姓名的人士表示,向埃尔比勒施压,要求其停止石油走私,将使该地区陷入困境,并剥夺其所有资金来源,这可能会导致该地区的崩溃。由于问题的敏感性,这位人士拒绝透露姓名。

伊拉克官员私下表示,这些贸易是导致伊拉克无法遵守欧佩克生产配额的原因,也是伊拉克与欧佩克事实上的领导者沙特阿拉伯之间争论的焦点。

伊拉克石油部发言人吉哈德称,伊拉克已承诺今年削减产量以弥补过剩产量,并致力于自愿减产。

目前,大量油罐车堵塞高速公路并引发事故,引起主要干道沿线居民的愤怒。

“这非常悲痛”,拉希德·达拉克在拜访他弟弟鲁兹卡尔的坟墓时说道。鲁兹卡尔今年 5 月在埃尔比勒和苏莱曼尼亚之间通往伊朗边境的高速公路上与一辆油罐车相撞身亡。

“尽管飓风经过并破坏了我们的道路并夺走了我们的亲人的生命——但这里没有人见过一分钱。”

 

(埃尔比勒和巴格达的 Timour Azhari 报道;巴士拉的 Aref Mohammed、巴格达的 Ahmed Rasheed 和华盛顿的 Daphne Psaledakis 补充报道;Timour Azhari 撰写;David Clarke 编辑)


原文链接/OilandGas360

Yahoo Finance


ERBIL, Iraq – Heading for Turkey to the north and Iran to the east, hundreds of oil tankers snake each day from near Kurdistan’s capital Erbil, clogging the Iraqi region’s often winding and mountainous highways.

The tankers are the most visible aspect of a massive operation to truck oil from the semi-autonomous region of Iraq to Iran and Turkey in murky, off-the-books transactions that have boomed since an official export pipeline closed last year.

Reuters pieced together the details of this flourishing trade through conversations with over 20 people including Iraqi and Kurdish oil engineers, traders and government officials, politicians, diplomats and oil industry sources.

They painted a picture of a booming business in which more than 1,000 tankers carry at least 200,000 barrels of cut-price oil every day to Iran and, to a lesser extent, Turkey – bringing in about $200 million a month.

The scale of the unofficial exports, which has not previously been reported, is one reason Iraq has been unable to stick to output cuts agreed with the OPEC oil cartel this year, Iraqi officials said.

Iranian and Turkish officials did not respond to requests for comment.

Iraqi oil ministry spokesperson Assim Jihad said the Kurdistan trade was not approved by the Iraqi government and state oil marketer SOMO was the only official entity allowed to sell Iraqi crude.

He said the government did not have accurate figures for how much oil was being smuggled into Iran and Turkey.

“OPEC now has less patience for smuggling and has even been known to slap punitive measures on offending members. I doubt we’ll see any retribution against Baghdad because it’s well known that the Kurdish region lies outside central control,” said Jim Krane at Rice University’s Baker Institute in Houston.

The business could also put Kurdistan on a collision course with close ally Washington, as it assesses whether the trade breaches any U.S. economic sanctions on Iran, according to a U.S. official.

Until last year, Kurdistan exported most of its crude via the official Iraq-Turkey Pipeline (ITP) running from the Iraqi oil city of Kirkuk to the Turkish port of Ceyhan.

But those exports of about 450,000 barrels per day (bpd) halted in March 2023 when an international tribunal ruled in favour of the Iraqi federal government’s call for the shipments to stop – leaving the pipeline in legal and financial limbo.

The federal administration in Baghdad, which has long held that it is the only party authorised to sell Iraqi oil, successfully argued that Turkey arranged the exports with the Kurdistan regional government without its consent, in breach of a 1973 treaty.

‘NO TRACE’

Tankers soon started taking Kurdish oil to neighbouring countries instead and the business accelerated this year after talks to reopen the pipeline stalled, industry sources, oil officials and diplomats said.

Local officials said none of the proceeds are accounted for, or registered, in the coffers of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), which has been struggling to pay thousands of public employees.

“There is no trace of the oil revenues,” said regional lawmaker Ali Huma Saleh, who was chair of the oil committee in Kurdistan’s parliament until it was dissolved in 2023. He put the trade at over 300,000 bpd, higher than most other estimates.

Hiwa Mohammed, a senior official in the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of Kurdistan’s two ruling parties, said the oil was going through border crossings with the knowledge of the regional and federal governments.

KRG Treasury officials did not respond to requests for comment. The KRG Ministry of Natural Resources, which oversees oil trading in Kurdistan, does not have a spokesperson.

A U.S. official said Washington was looking at the oil trade to assess compliance with sanctions on Iran.

The U.S. Treasury Department declined to comment.

A State Department official said: “U.S. sanctions on Iran remain in place, and we regularly engage with partners on sanctions enforcement issues, but we do not detail those conversations.”

A senior official at Kurdistan’s natural resources ministry said oil production in the region was running at 375,000 bpd, of which 200,000 was trucked to Iran and Turkey, and the rest refined locally.

“Nobody knows what happens to the revenues from the 200,000 smuggled abroad, or the oil derivatives sold to refineries in the region,” said the official, who declined to be named because the sensitivity of the matter.

CUT-PRICE CRUDE

The crude is sold by oil companies in Kurdistan to local buyers at cut-price rates of $30 to $40 a barrel, or about half the global rate, which equates to at least $200 million a month in revenue, industry and political sources said.

Kurdistan’s oil production is majority controlled by eight international oil firms: DNO ASA, Genel Energy, Gulf Keystone Petroleum, ShaMaran Petroleum, HKN Energy, WesternZagros, MOL’s Kalegran and Hunt Oil Company.

Hunt Oil, based in the United States, declined to comment. The other seven companies did not respond to requests for comment, nor did local company KAR Group, a major player in Kurdistan.

While most oil production halted when the pipeline closed, some companies including DNO, Keystone and ShaMaran have said in statements they have since started producing crude for sale to buyers within Kurdistan.

ShaMaran said the average price of oil it sold in the first three months of 2024 was $36.49 per barrel while Keystone said in June that sales of crude from the Shaikan Field this year were bringing in about $28 a barrel.

The industry sources said approved local buyers take the crude from oil companies and sell it on through middlemen for export, without the knowledge of the producers.

The vast majority of the trucked oil goes to Iran, most of the industry and political sources said, via official Iraqi border crossings including Haji Omaran, or via Penjwen further south.

From there, it is loaded onto ships at Iranian ports in the Gulf at Bandar Imam Khomeini and Bandar Abbas – a trade route used in the past for Kurdish oil exports – or transferred by road to Afghanistan and Pakistan, industry, political and diplomatic sources said.

Reuters could not determine what Iran, which faces difficulties selling its own oil products because of sanctions, gets out of the trade, nor who is receiving the oil in Iran.

The PUK’s Mohammed said it was sent to Iran to be refined into gasoline.

Pakistan’s petroleum ministry declined to comment. Afghan officials did not respond to requests for comment.

BLACK-MARKET LABYRINTH

The trade is the latest iteration of a long-standing Iraqi black-market oil business widely seen as benefiting political elites who are closely linked to business interests.

Twelve people said officials in Kurdistan’s two ruling parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of the Barzani clan and the PUK of the Talabani clan, were the beneficiaries.

“There is a labyrinth of black-market salespeople getting paid, and people approving those sales. It’s not that they are just looking the other way. They’re taking their share,” an industry source working in the Kurdish oil trade said.

A senior diplomat in Baghdad said political interests were so vested in the trade that resuming official exports via the pipeline, once seen as a priority, had dropped down the diplomatic agenda.

“I’m not going to be advocating for this while they’re all having a party,” the person said.

KDP officials did not respond to requests for comment about the black-market trade. Mohammed, the PUK official, did not comment on who might be behind it.

Kurdish officials say the region was forced into the trade by the pipeline closure, which they see as part of a broader effort by Iran-backed Shi’ite parties in Baghdad to curb the relative autonomy they have enjoyed since the end of the first Gulf war in 1991.

A senior Iraqi parliamentary official familiar with oil matters said Baghdad was aware of the details of the business but was avoiding public criticism as officials seek to resolve outstanding disputes with Erbil.

Putting pressure on Erbil to stop oil smuggling would corner the region and deprive it of all sources of funding, which could result in its collapse, said the person, who declined to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue.

The trade has been cited privately by Iraqi officials as being behind Baghdad’s inability to stick to its OPEC production quotas, a bone of contention with OPEC’s de facto leader Saudi Arabia.

Jihad, the oil ministry spokesman, said Iraq, which has pledged to scale back output this year to make up for the overproduction, was committed to voluntary production cuts.

For now, the sheer volume of tankers snarling up highways, and getting involved in accidents, is angering residents along major thoroughfares.

“It’s very painful,” said Rashid Dalak, visiting the grave of his brother Rouzkar, who was killed in a crash with a tanker in May on the highway between Erbil and Sulaimaniya that leads to the Iranian border.

“Despite passing through and damaging our roads and killing our loved ones … no-one here has seen a dollar.”

 

(Reporting by Timour Azhari in Erbil and Baghdad; Additional reporting by Aref Mohammed in Basra, Ahmed Rasheed in Baghdad and Daphne Psaledakis in Washington; Writing by Timour Azhari; Editing by David Clarke)